PoP's Southern American: December 2011


Happy New Year!

Brothers love and blessings!


We don't care what "those people" think!

Honour is the foundation of Southern culture. This honour was in the blood of Celtic peoples (Scottish, Irish, Scotch-Irish, Cornish, and Welsh) from whom most Southerners were descended. Southron stand unfaltering for God, Family, country "Dixie," and a tradition of honour. We Southron, having Confederate warriors blood are most unique and with this uniqueness, we don't care what "those people" think! Staring them down every chance we get! GB/PoP


Unable to Take Richmond:

"Abraham Lincoln once asked General (Winfield) Scott the question: "Why is it that you were once able to take the City of Mexico in three months with five thousand men, and we have been unable to take Richmond with one hundred thousand men?

"I will tell you," said General Scott. "The men who took us into the City of Mexico are the same men who are keeping us out of Richmond."

(Confederate Veteran Magazine, September 1913, page 471)


15 AUGUST, 1999

I was born April 12, 1861, in the harbor of Charleston, South Carolina and the Constitution of the Confederate States of America is my Birth Certificate. The blood lines of the South run through my veins, for I offer freedom that each State should regulate her own affairs, according to its best interest. I am many things to many people.

I am the South. I am millions of living souls, and ghosts of thousands who died for me. I am the farmer-made soldier who did not turn his back during Pickett’s Charge. I am the Rebel Yell that was heard across many of my rolling fields, protecting our homeland. I am Robert E. Lee and Thomas J. "Stonewall" Jackson: I stood at Ft. Sumter and fired the shot heard through our young nation. I am Longstreet, Hood and Patrick R. Cleburne. I am General’s Johnson, Beauregard and President Jefferson Davis. I remember how we fought at Gettysburg, Cold Harbor, Vicksburg, and Atlanta. When duty called I answered and stayed until it was over. I left my herioc dead at Chickamauga, in the fields of Shiloh, on the bloody hills of Mannassas and the mountains of Kennesshaw.

I am The South. I am the Mississippi River, and the cotton fields of Alabama and the piney woods of the Carolinas. I am the coal fields of Virginia and Kentucky, the Florida coast and the Louisiana bayou. I am Richmond, the Capitol of the Confederacy. I am the forest, field, mountain and rivers. I am the quiet villages and the cities that never sleep. I am the Heritage that’s been forgotten, the dying memory of a way of life that is being still. You see me in the twilight and hear me in DIXIE, as the past continues to fade away each year.

Yes, I am the South, and these are the things I represent. I was conceived by force, and God willing, I’ll spend the rest of my days remembering my birth. May I always possess the integrity and the courage, and the strength to keep my Heritage alive, to remain a Loyal Southerner and to stand tall and proud to the rest of the world. Do not forget; who we are and where we come from ... that is my goal, my hope, my prayer. (Mrs Weeks died two weeks later.)



''No matter how hard the conservative and leftist media may try to twist the minds of the American people, they have a mind of their own. And, as of today, that mind is on rebellion against the government, at all costs.'' ~ Unknown

The Women of the South

"They have lost a cause, but they have made a triumph! They have shown themselves worthy of any manhood; and will leave a record which shall survive all the caprices of time. They have proved themselves worthy of the best womanhood, and, in their posterity, will leave no race which shall be unworthy of the cause which is lost, or of the mothers, sisters and wives, who have taught such noble lessons of virtuous effort, and womanly endurance."...William Gilmore Simms, LL. D.


Where do we go from here....

Because here ain't working.

If we do not defend ourselves none will defend us; if we yield we will be more and more pressed as we recede; and if we submit we will be trampled under foot. "I hold concession or compromise to be fatal. If we concede an inch, concession would follow compromise, until our ranks would be so broken that effectual resistance would be impossible".John C. Calhoun

We have let many possibilities pass us by. This because many of us lack the gumption to get off our butts and do something. I'm sure some fear facing our enemies eye to eye others seem to think it's a waist of time. But ANYTIME you can be conspicuous and stair down the enemy is a victory! "Those people" go nuts when we stand-up to them and it's damn pleasing to see!!!

I KNOW many folk could attend rallies in their area.... Why ain't ya!? Notice is given for these rallies almost everyday! Man-up and attend a few!

My oath as a Christian Southron Warrior:

I am Christian Southron Warrior. I serve the Lord Jesus Christ and dedicate my life to Him, my family, our honourable Southron Homeland and my Brothers & Sisters in the cause for liberty and our way of life. I will earnestly contend for the faith once delivered to the saints.

I will never surrender to the offer of fame, fortune, threats or any other trappings put before me in exchange for my convictions. I will trust in the Lord for my strength, as a Christian Southron Warrior I will endeavor, never to give cause for anyone to stumble, who may be watching my life.

If I am threatened for my faith or Southron heritage by the enemy I will resist with all my strength and the knowledge of truth. I will make every effort to succeed in Christian service and to help others find Christ, teach truth to all that will listen and stand fast in this noble undertaking.

If I am persecuted I will remember how much Christ endured for me. I will attempt to guide others into a deeper consecration. I will work with them in every way to further the cause of Christ and our Southron Homeland.
I will abstain from all appearance of evil to the utmost of my ability. I will make no statements disloyal to my God, Southron Homeland or harmful to the purpose of either.

I pledge myself to attend and support all rallies and or protest for any honourable effort toward the above...This within range of my travels.

I will...Train up a child in the way he should go: and when he is old, he will not depart from it. Proverbs 22:6

I will never forget that I am a Christian Southron Warrior, responsible for my actions, and dedicated to the principles of the Word of God and the constitution as written. I will trust in the Lord and in the power of His Spirit. By the grace of God these things will I do...PoP

A post to cheer-up your day. ; ^ )

Letter from D. H. Hill to Union General Foster

OFFICIAL RECORDS: Series 2, vol 5, Part 1 (Prisoners of War) p. 389-390
GOLDSBOROUGH, N. C., March 24, 1863.
Major General J. G. FOSTER, Federal Army.

SIR: Two communications have been referred to me as the successor of General French. The prisoners from Swindell’s company and the Seventh North Carolina are true prisoners of war and if not paroled I will retaliate five-fold. In regard to your first communication touching the burning of Plymouth you seem to have forgotten two things. You forget, sir, that you are a Yankee and that Plymouth is a Southern town. It is no business of yours if we choose to burn one of our own towns. A meddling Yankee troubles himself about everybody’s matters except his own and repents of everybody’s sins except his own. We are a different people. Should the Yankees burn a Union village in Connecticut or a cod-fish town in Massachusetts we would not meddle with them but rather bid them God-speed in their work of purifying the atmosphere. Your second act of forgetfulness consists in your not remembering that you are the most atrocious house-burner as yet unhung in the wide universe. Let me remind you of the fact that you have made two raids when you were weary of debauching in your negro harem and when you knew that your forces outnumbered the Confederates five to one. Your whole line of march has been marked by burning churches, school-houses, private residences, barns, stables, gin-houses, negro cabins, fences in the row, &c. Your men have plundered the country of all that it contained and wantonly destroyed what they could not carry off. Before you started on your freebooting expedition toward Tarborough you addressed your soldiers in the town of Washingtonand told them that you were going to take them to a rich country full of plunder. With such a hint to your thieves it is not wonderful that your raid was characterized by rapine, pillage, arson and murder. Learning last December that there was but a single weak brigade on this line you tore yourself from the arms of sable beauty and moved out with 15,000 men on a grand marauding foray. You partially burned Kinston and entirely destroyed the village of White Hall. The elegant mansion of the planter and the hut of the poor farmer and fisherman were alike consumed by your brigands. How matchless is the impudence which in view of this wholesale arson can complain of the burning of Plymouth in the heat of action! But there is another species of effrontery which New England itself cannot excel. When you return to your harem from one of these Union-restoring excursions you write to your Government the deliberate lie that you have discovered a large and increasing Union sentiment in this State. No one knows better than yourself that there is not a respectable man in North Carolina in any condition of life who is not utterly and irrevocably opposed to union with your hated and hateful people. A few wealthy men have meanly and falsely professed Union sentiments to save their property and a few ignorant fishermen have joined your ranks but to betray you when the opportunity offers. No one knows better than yourself that our people are true as steel and that our poorer classes have excelled the wealthy in their devotion to our cause. You knowingly and willfully lie when you speak of a Union sentiment in this brave, noble and patriotic State. Wherever the trained and disciplined soldiers of North Carolina have met the Federal forces you have been scattered as leaves before t he hurricane.

In conclusion let me inform you that I will receive no more white flags from you except the one which covers your surrender of the scene of your lust, your debauchery and your crimes. No one dislikes New England more cordially than I do, but there are thousands of honorable men even there who abhor your career fully as much as I do.

Sincerely and truly, your enemy,

Major-General, C. S. Army


Richmond Daily Dispatch August 23, 1864.

The New York Herald professes not to believe a word of what it calls "the romance," published by the penny-a-liner Gilmore, relative to the interview between himself and his colleague, Jacques, on the between himself and his colleague, Jacques, on the one side, and President Davis on the other, in the presence of Mr. Benjamin. It asserts that the visit, on the part of Jacques, was a mere pretext to obtain a furlough, and that Gilmore accompanied him solely for the purpose of gathering materials for an article in a Magazine. Neither of them had any proposals to make, or was authorized, in any manner or shape, by Lincoln to solicit the interview.--The Herald adds, that although they had found it an easy matter to humbug Lincoln, they met their master when they encountered President Davis, who wound them around his finger as he might have done a thread of yarn, "and finally cornered them so cruelly that they were very glad to sneak out of any further discussion." It adds, that, "according to their own account, their ignorance was as great as their impudence," And a more striking display of both qualities was, perhaps, never made by any two men in any situation or condition of life.

We have been compelled by the enormous pressure of advertisements upon our columns to forego the publication of Gilmore's account of this interview, which appeared in the September number of the Atlantic Monthly. As it constitutes a part of the history of the times, however, and as the same reason for omitting it as a whole still exists, we should feel ourselves delinquent in our duty as faithful chroniclers did we fail to give our readers some idea of what it is. We shall therefore attempt an analysis in this article, although we confess that the whole transaction, from its inception to its close, including the description of Mr. Benjamin and his books, is so eminently characteristic of the Yankee as to defy translation or imitation.

It seems that the self-constituted ambassadors found no difficulty whatever in obtaining an interview with the President; that he received them with great courtesy; and that they immediately entered upon the business of their mission. They had come it appears, with the hope that the President would suggest some means of putting a stop to the war, and to ask how it could be done. The President gave them an answer which would have put an end to all further discussion had the propounders of the question been any other than what they were: genuine Yankees; that is, totally insensible to the suggestions of delicacy and the requisitions of good breeding. "In a very simple way," said the President. "Withdraw your army from our territory and peace will come of itself." * * * * * * "Let us alone, and peace will come at once." The commissioners did not feel the force of the rebuff."They replied that they could not let us alone so long as we repudiated the Union, for that was a thing the Yankees would not surrender. Oh! I understand, replied the President. "You would deny to us what you would exact for yourselves"the right of self-government." Here was another home-thrust; but the impenetrable self conceit in which the Yankee habitually encases himself prevented the point of the steel from reaching the vitals. Gilmore replied that they denied us no natural right, but that they (the Yankees) thought the Union essential to peace, and appealed to Davis to say if it was not impossible for two people, inhabiting the same country and speaking the same language, to live at peace. The reply was a more deadly thrust any that had preceded it: "Undoubtedly, with this generation.--You have sown bitterness at the South; you have put such an ocean of blood between the two sections that I despair of seeing any harmony in my time. Our children may forget this war, but we cannot." Even Yankee impudence staggered and reeled beneath this tremendous blow. "You put the case too strongly," exclaims Gilmore; and no doubt he thought what he said. It was put strongly enough, in all conscience. But rallying, he added a scrap or two of the eloquence which he had culled from peace meetings at the North. The war must stop somewhere — we cannot fight always — stop the effusion of blood, christian man — frightful carnage — try any means, &c., &c., &c. This outbreak was followed by another knock down. To the question, "Can you, as a christian man, neglect any means?" &c., Mr. Davis answered:

"No, I cannot. I desire peace as much as you do. I deplore bloodshed as much as you do; but I feel that not one drop of the blood shed in this war is on my hands; I can look up to my God and say this. I tried all in my power to avert this war. I saw it coming, and for twelve years I worked night and day to prevent it, but I could not. The North was mad and blind; it would not let us govern ourselves, and so the war came, and now it must go on till the last man of this generation falls in his tracks, and his children seize his musket and fight his battles, unless you acknowledge our right to self-government. We are not fighting for slavery. We are fighting for independence; and that or extermination we will have."

"And slavery, you say, is no longer an element in the contest!"

"No, it is not; it never was an essential element. It was only the means of bringing other conflicting elements to an earlier culmination. It fired the musket which was already capped and loaded.--There are essential differences between the North and South that will, however this war may end, make them two nations."

Yankee impudence alone could have dictated the answer to this unanswerable exposure of the true state of the case.

"You ask me to say what I think. Will you allow me to say that I know the South pretty well, and never observed those differences."

"Then you have not used your eyes. My sight is poorer than yours, but I have seen them for years."

Here the Yankee confesses that the laugh was against him. We should say it was. Nothing disheartened, however, he continues to press the subject. "Well, sir, be that as it may; if I understand you, the dispute between your Government and ours is narrowed down to this: union or disunion."

"Yes; or, to put it in other words: Independence or subjugation."

The Yankee here tells the President that the Governments are irreconcilably hostile, but that the people are not; and then comes his grand proposal:

"Well, suppose the two Governments should agree to do something like this: To go to the people with two propositions, say, peace with disunion and Southern independence as your proposition — and peace with union, emancipation, no confiscation and universal amnesty as ours. Let the citizens of all the United States (as they existed before the war) vote 'Yes,' or 'No' on these two propositions, at a special election, within sixty days. If a majority vote disunion, our Government to be bound by it, and to let you go in peace. If a majority votes union, yours to be bound by it, and to stay in peace. The two Governments can contract in this way, and the people, though constitutionally unable to decide on peace or war, can elect which of the two propositions shall govern their rulers. Let Lee and Grant, meantime, agree to an armistice.--This would sheathe the sword; and if once sheathed, it would never again be drawn by this generation."

To this splendid plan for submerging the rights of the States beneath the waves of a popular majority, President Davis expressed a decided repugnance.--"The people of Virginia," he said, "cannot vote slavery out of South Carolina, and the people of South Carolina cannot vote slavery out of Virginia." Nothing, however, could cure the loquacity of the Yankee. He had a remedy ready for the disease.--What does the reader suppose it was? Why, three-fourths of the States were to amend the Constitution, and slavery was to be abolished, &c. That is to say, it is proposed to stop the war by putting us once more at the mercy of a Yankee majority. The President calmly, and, we suspect, somewhat contemptuously replied, "We seceded to rid ourselves of the rule of the majority. " Here is the Yankee reply and the President's rejoinder: "But the majority must rule finally, either with ballets or bullets."

"I am not so sure of that. Neither current events nor history show that the majority rules, or ever did rule. The contrary, I think, is true. Why, sir, the man who should go before the Southern people with such a proposition — with any proposition which implied that the North was to have a voice in determining the domestic relations of the South--could not live here a day. He would be hanged to the first tripe, without judge or jury."

"Allow me to doubt that. I think it more likely he would be hanged if he let the Southern people know the majority couldn't rule," I replied, smiling.

"I have no fear of that," rejoined Mr. Davis, also smiling most good humored. "I give you leave to proclaim it from every house-top in the South."

"But, seriously, sir, you let the majority rule in a single State, why not let it rule in the whole country?"

"Because the States are independent and sovereign."

"Then we are not a people, but a partnership?"

"That is all."

"Your very name, sir--'United States'--implies that," said Mr. Benjamin; "but tell me, are the teams you have named — emancipation, confiscation universal the terms which Mr. Lincoln authorized to offer us!"

"No, sir! Mr. Lincoln did not authorize me offer you any terms. But I think both he and the Northern people, for the sake of peace, would consent to some such conditions."

"They are very generous," replied Mr. Davis; for the first time during the interview showing some angry feeling. "But amnesty, sir, applies to criminals. We have committed no crime. Confiscation is of no account unless you can enforce it. And emancipation! You have already emancipated nearly two millions of our slaves, and if you will take care of them you may emancipate the rest. I had a few when the war began. I was of some use to them; they never were of any to me. Against their will you emancipated them, and you may emancipate every negro in the Confederacy, but we will be free! We will govern ourselves. We will do it if we have to see every Southern plantation sacked and every Southern city in flames."

"I see, Mr. Davis, it is useless to continue this conversation," I replied, "and you will pardon us if we have seemed to press our views with too much pertinacity. "

Nobody can read this account without being struck with the calmness and equanimity of the President's deportment, and the ignorant presumption of his visitors. These men went there primed with all the logic they had called from the New York Herald, and the Times and Tribune from the beginning of the war. They went into the President's house and there ventured to lecture him in the genuine New York Herald style upon the grandeur and strength of the Yankee States, upon the impossibility of resisting their power, upon Sherman's conquering in Georgia, and Grant's destroying Lee's army. Every topic and every lie which is used by the New York press to cheat the Yankee public, and which President Davis is in the daily habit of reading in the public prints, like genuine Yankees they went there and spouted to him as though he were an ignoramus who had never been in "[ Noo ]York;" for that they all consider as the strongest possible evidence of ignorance. We will give one more specimen — it is such as are seen in the Herald and Tribune every day:

"The radical Republicans, who go for slave suffrage and thorough confiscation, are those who will defeat him, if he is to be defeated. But if he is defeated before the people, the House will elect a worse man — I mean the worse for you. It is more radical than he is, (you can see that from Mr. Ashley's Reconstruction Bill), and the people are more radical than the House. Mr. Lincoln, I know, is about to call out five hundred thousand more men, and I cannot see how you can resist much longer; but if you do, you will only deepen the radical feeling of the Northern people. They will now give you fair, honorable, generous terms; but let them suffer much more — let there be a dead man in every house, as there is now in every village, they will give you no terms; they will insist on hanging every rebel south of --. Pardon my terms. I mean no offence."

"You give no offence," he replied, smiling pleasantly. "I wouldn't have you pick your words.--This is a frank, free talk, and I like you the better for saying what you think. Go on."

"I was merely going to say, that let the Northern people once really feel the war — they do not feel it yet — and they will insist on hanging every one of your leaders."

We say we admire President Davis for his calm temper and mild deportment. Surely he could not have been blamed had he rung for a servant and ordered him to show these reseals the way to the street.


We traitors?

Excerpted from Seventy Years In Dixie,

by F.D. Srygley, Florida Confederate Veteran... Faith and Facts Press, first printing 1891.

To people who passed through those memorable days in Dixie, it seems queer to hear Southern men and women spoken of as "traitors," "rebels," "enemies of American liberty" and "foes of the Constitution." I know not what may have been the secret motives of wily leaders, if there were any such leaders, which I gravely doubt, but as for the people, nothing but patriotism pure and simple moved them to vote secession and to enlist in the army.

The people at the South felt just as confident that the people at the North contemplated a deliberate overthrow of the Republic as their fathers in the Revolution felt that King George was a tyrant. In all the public orations and private discussions the idea that slavery was the bone of contention never once entered the minds of the common people . . . .

They understood that the Constitution of the United States was assailed, and that they were offering themselves for its defense. The question, as they understood it, was whether American liberty should be perpetuated or crushed by Northern monarchy.

Fighting for slavery? Think of the absurdity of the thing! The Southern army was largely made up of volunteers from the mountain regions. There were no slaves of consequence in that mountain country, and those poor mountaineers hated "stuck-up" slave holders as cordially as a saint hates sin. True, they understood in a vague sort of way that there was some discussion on the subject of slavery in a general way, but to them this was only an incidental and irrelevant topic of public interest which was in no way connected with the question of secession.

The people understood that the question at issue was simply their right to manage their own affairs in their own States. If the North proposed to interfere with that right, what assurance had they that it would not take from them their homes and all their property? I know not what the leaders thought, but there was no mistaking the feelings and opinions of the common people. . . .

I understood that in seceding the South held on to the Constitution, and the Declaration of Independence, and Bunker Hill monument, and the life of George Washington. . . .

We traitors? We rebels against the American government and enemies of the Constitution? Shades of Washington and Bunker Hill! Why, what were the people up in the mountains fighting for if not for the Constitution? . . . . What did they care about slavery? Hadn't it been as a thorn in the flesh to them from time immemorial? Did not everybody know that the North had set aside the Constitution, throttled our liberty and pulled the tail feathers out of the American eagle?


Report, Georgia Power protest

Report, Georgia Power protest, Ringgold Georgia.

Tommy PoP Aaron
PO Box 90095
East Ridge, TN. 37412

We had City, county and highway patrol cars one after another circled the block the whole time we were there. One, I think the chief of police?? sat in the window of Georgia Power watching us.

Mr. Mark Williams, "Georgia Power" was present in defense of Georgia Power Plant Wansley's actions concerning Yellow Dirt Baptist Cemetery.

In all fairness, Mark, was cordial but. He claimed Georgia Power Plant Wansley did the right thing by the Web brothers and that's all they would do. When I ask if an apologia was forth coming, he said no. I ask him as a man could he apologize to me, a Veteran, for the inaction of Georgia Power not doing the right thing.... His answer was no.

We could care less about the Web & Georgia Power property issue.... It's the law being enforced we now want as it appears they do not want to reason.

The time for protesting Georgia Power should now be over. Southern Legal Resource Center, The SCV and all our many heritage groups need to pursue legal action it this matter.

The bottom line is that the graves of American Veterans are sacred hallowed ground made such by their service to their country, and the placing of the flags are memorials to that service and honoring of their bravery and sacrifice for the rest of us. Both the graves, and the flags thereon are fully protected by full faith and force of law.

It's the law. We must pressure the legal system State and Federal to see the law is enforced!
Ain't we and our Souther heroes & flag been kicked around enough?!!

Contact the below and demand they do their job!!
Carroll County Sheriff
Andy Dickson
126 West Paris Street
Huntingdon, Tennessee 38344
(731) 986-8947

Chief Joel Richards
115 West Center Street
Carrollton GA. 30117
Phone: (770) 834-4451
Fax: (770) 830-2024

U.S. Attorney General
Eric H. Holder, Jr.
U.S. Department of Justice
950 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW
Washington, DC 20530-0001
Main Switchboard - 202-514-2000
Office of the Attorney General Public Comment Line - 202-353-1555

Georgia Attorney General
Sam Olens
Office of the Attorney General
40 Capitol Square, SW
Atlanta, Ga 30334
(404) 656-3300
(404) 657-8733

Confederate Veterans ARE United States Veterans
under the eyes of US LAW:

U.S. Public Law 85-425: Sec. 410 Approved 23 May 1958
(US Statutes at Large Volume 72, Part 1, Page 133-134)

Confederate Veteran Graves ARE protected under Georgia Law:
GEORGIA CODE O.C.G.A. 16-7-26 (2010)

PoP Aaron
The Southern American

Anonymous comments not posted.
Be man enough to stand as one.